BULLETIN
#1 Spring 1989
l UP
FOR GRABS
l OFFICER PROFILES
l THE NEW "CONSERVATIVE MAJORITY" AND
REMEDIAL DISCRIMINATION
l SOCIAL INSURANCE
l PREVIEW
l STATUS OF PRO BONO PROJECT
l MEMBERSHIP PROFILE
l NEWS IN BRIEF
l U.S. SUPREME COURT ASKED TO OVERRULE
ROE v. WADE
l ANNOUNCEMENTS
#1 Spring 1989 page 1
UP FOR GRABS
An excellent
op-ed piece by Judge Alex Kozinski, who sits on the United States
Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, appeared in the January
31, 1989 edition of The Wall Street Journal under the
headline, "Hunt for Laws' True Meaning Subverts Justice." Opposing
what he refers to as the "subjectification of the law," Judge
Kozinski says:
Over
the past half-century the idea that the law consists of objective
rules has
been supplanted by the view that it is a matter of
the subjective intent of those
who promulgate legal instruments."
Judge Kozinski's
primary target in this article is the erosion of the traditional
rule that in interpreting legislation, courts may not look beyond
the language of the statute unless the language is ambiguous.
Today, Judge Kozinski says, the language is not the "sole,
or even the most significant, index of legislative will." Lawyers
and judges, he reports, now routinely engage in a "scavenger
hunt" through legislative history (the record of congressional
discussions about proposed legislation) to try to patch together
the "meaning" of statutes that were crystal clear to
begin with. This is a process by which an objectively clear statute
can be altered, glossed or totally changed by what a legislator thought it
meant (actually, by what the lawyer or judge thinks a legislator thought it
meant) before it was enacted---whether that legislator was right
or wrong. Indeed, Judge Kozinski tells us, new "legislative
intent services" for lawyers brazenly offer to help them "overcome
the statute's 'plain meaning'."
Of course, "subjective" statutory
interpretation goes hand in hand
with, and often begins with, ambiguous statutory drafting. Vague statutes
call for subjective methods of interpretation which, once accepted, are
not only applied to clear statutes, but also encourage the passage of
further ambiguous statutes. Judge Kozinski suggests one interesting,
and totally credible, way in which this relationship works. Legislators
know that statutory language can be filled in by legislative history
and consequently understand that vagueness in drafting is acceptable.
Indeed, they use ambiguity as a "tool of political compromise." Congressmen
who cannot agree on proposed legislation leave statutory language intentionally
unclear, conflicts disappear and the legislation gets passed. Both sides
can claim victory and can then hope for real victory in the courts by "sprinkling
the record with contradictory snippets of legislative history."
All of this,
of course, is heaven on earth for those who, in Judge Kozinski's
words, assert that "drawing precise lines would be bad in
that it would allow people to stay clear of the law." These
are the power hungry who wish to make arbitrary decisions about
what the law is and who should be punished. When objective rules
of interpretation are forsworn and non-objective laws are sanctioned,
determination of what is legally permissible becomes impossible
and the law is up for grabs.
#1 Spring 1989 page2
OFFICER
PROFILES
Arline
Mann - President
Arline Mann,
President of TAFOL, has been a "Wall Street lawyer" for
all of her ten-year legal career, first as a litigator at Sullivan & Cromwell
and now as Assistant General Counsel at Goldman, Sachs & Co.,
an investment banking firm. She says, "It seems to me that
Wall Street throws into dramatic relief the wonder and power
for good of capitalism and the evil of improper law."
Arline heard
two "blazing" lectures given by Leonard Peikoff in
1970 and has been an Objectivist since. She now serves on the
Board of Advisors of the Ayn Rand Institute. Arline says, "I
loved my introductory, heady years of immersion in Objectivism,
and I have no less a sense of something earthshaking happening
now." She sees more organized activity now in Objectivism
than there has been in her almost twenty years of involvement. "I
think the main reason is that a second generation of Objectivists
is reaching maturity and is ready to take action. With Ayn Rand
gone, it's becoming clear that we have to do more ourselves."
Arline hopes
that Objectivist lawyers will be able to put to work t
heir special training and skills, understanding of Objectivism and
feeling for the grandeur of the law through speaking, writing and working
on projects such as mandatory pro bono. She also hopes TAFOL will encourage
discussion of difficult issues in law and philosophy of law.
Sandy Franklin - Secretary
Sandy Franklin
has been an attorney for over five years specializing primarily
in Department of Defense contracting and computer law. Prior
to law school, Sandy's adventures took her to over 30 countries,
including an extended stay in Tokyo where she worked for Japanese
attorneys.
Soon after
law school, Sandy became a Captain in the Judge Advocate General's
Corps of the Army, doing the legal support for large-scale computer
buys Army-wide. Since leaving the Army just over two years ago,
Sandy has continued doing contracting and intellectual property
work for defense contractors and computer developers. Currently,
she is an attorney in the Advanced Research department of General
Dynamics Land Systems.
Sandy was
introduced to Objectivism when her mother gave her Atlas
Shrugged to read when she was 15 years old. A summer of
reading Ayn Rand gave Sandy a lifetime of guidance on how to
conduct her personal and professional life. It wasn't until The
Jefferson School "Intellectual Foundations of a Free Society" conference
in the summer of 1987, however, that she met other Objectivists
and formed the relationships which led to the founding of The
Association for Objective Law last spring. She is on the Board
of Directors and acts as Secretary for TAFOL and as Editor for
TAFOL's newsletter.
#1 Spring 1989 page 3
THE NEW "CONSERVATIVE
MAJORITY" AND REMEDIAL DISCRIMINATION
Commentators
are heralding (or decrying, as the case may be) the United States
Supreme Court's opinion in City of Richmond v. J. A. Croson
Company, 55 U.S.L.W. 4132 (1989), as a turning point in
the philosophical outlook of the Supreme Court and, more specifically,
its view of "remedial" or "reverse" discrimination.
In fact, although the Supreme Court's holding in Richmond is
a tiny step in the right direction, each of the five separate
opinions filed endorse the incorrect assumptions underlying not
only remedial discrimination but most of the intrusions into
individual rights made
by the courts in the twentieth century.
The case involved
a Richmond plan requiring all prime contractors for City of Richmond
projects to subcontract thirty percent of public works funds
paid on the project to minority-owned contracting companies.
The plan stated that it was remedial. An application for waiver
could be made on the basis of impossibility. According to The
New York Times of January 25, 1989 (pg. A18), some 36 states
and 200 local governments have such remedial plans establishing
quotas or requiring reasonable efforts to include minorities
on government projects.
In the Richmond case,
J. A. Croson Company, the prime contractor, could not find a
minority contractor to perform the requisite portion of the plumbing
project at issue. Croson submitted its bid and requested a waiver.
Subsequently, a minority company willing to do the job came forward,
but its participation would have led to an $8000 increase in
the cost of the work. J. A. Croson (which was the only bidder),
asked the City to raise the contract price or waive the minority
participation requirement. The City refused both requests and
said it would have the project rebid. J. A. Croson sued and the
case eventually reached the Supreme Court.
As lawyer
and law student readers will know, for most of the twentieth
century, analysis of the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment to the Constitution has involved level upon level of
error. First, it is assumed - as it is in all areas of constitutional
law - that rights are not absolute, and may be overridden if
there is a sufficient government interest, which is "balanced" against
the right. In balancing the right to equal protection and the
governmental interest, the courts have established a tiered system
of review: certain "suspect classifications" (such
as race) or intrusions into "fundamental" rights are
subject to more rigorous examination ("strict scrutiny")
in determining whether the government action was justified. In
cases requiring strict scrutiny, the right may still be curtailed,
but only on a showing of "compelling" state interest.
In other cases, the right may be overridden if there is a "rational
relationship" between the government action and the governmental
interest being pursued.
Of course,
this Byzantine analytical superstructure could be swept aside
in a moment if it were understood that rights are absolute and
cannot be "balanced," that government can never discriminate
on the basis of race and that there is no need for "scrutiny," strict
or otherwise. No such suggestion is made in the Richmond case.
The "turning
point" in the Richmond decision is the agreement
of a majority of Justices that "strict scrutiny," rather
than a relaxed standard of review, applies to remedial discrimination
by the States,
as well as to plain old discrimination, and that the discrimination must
really be remedial; there must be specific evidence of past discrimination.
(Understand that this does not mean evidence of discrimination by the
government against a particular individual - just a pattern of discrimination
in some school district, industry, etc. In this case there was little
evidence of discrimination with respect to City construction projects
beyond statistics showing the participation of minorities. As Justice
O'Connor pointed out, the Richmond plan defined "minority" to
include Aleuts, when it may very well have been that no Aleut ever lived
in Richmond, much less tried to obtain a City subcontracting award.)
This, pitifully, is as far as the touted new "conservative" Supreme
Court got in its main opinion; there is no hint of the absolutism of
rights, no suspicion that perhaps "suspect classification" analysis
is discriminatory in its own right; there is just the announcement that
while State governments may discriminate, and may do so for the purpose
of remedying past discrimination, they must be able to show that there
was discrimination in the past and that the plan they adopt is appropriate
for the remedial purpose.
#1 Spring 1989 page4
Justice Scalia,
who wrote a separate opinion, got a bit further; he strongly
opposes any racial preferences for remedial purposes, except
where absolutely necessary to dismantle a discriminatory system
(e.g., raising the pay scale of blacks currently being paid less
than whites) or to remedy discrimination against an identified
victim (e.g., firing a white man to give the job to a black man
wrongly denied the job because of race). Of course, neither of
these examples reflects a racial preference or discrimination,
but merely an elimination of a racial preference. Indeed, with
respect to discrimination in general, whether remedial or not,
Justice Scalia believes there should be no governmental classifications
unless justified by some "imminent danger to life and limb," such
as a race riot in a prison requiring temporary segregation of
inmates. However, Justice Scalia's opinion rests upon and expressly
sanctions "strict scrutiny" analysis. Remedial discrimination
is, in Justice Scalia's view, constitutionally offensive because
it cannot pass strict scrutiny; temporary segregation in a prison
riot can.
The Richmond case
is not a step backward. In practical terms, it may result in
the elimination of some remedial discrimination plans. (The application
of strict scrutiny, historically, has generally resulted in disapproval
of the state action under consideration.) It does not signal
a significant change in philosophical approach. In fact, that
is the significance of the Richmond case. Contrary to
all reports, there has been no fundamental
change as a result of the new conservative majority on the Supreme
Court and there will not be, until basic philosophical premises are questioned.
SOCIAL INSURANCE
A recent Wall
Street Journal review of a new book, Liability: The
Legal Revolution and Its Consequences, stated: "Peter
W. Huber's absorbing work explains in crisp, elegant terms
what happened, starting about 30 years ago, when a small but
influential group of activist judges and academics . . . took
it upon themselves to transform the tort system into a social
insurance program."
Liability:
The Legal Revolution and Its Consequences (Basic, 260
pages, $19.95) chronicles the decline of legal principles such
as duty and proximate cause in favor of concepts such as wrongful
life and negligent infliction of emotional distress, concepts
which have encouraged jurors to be guided by their "natural
sympathy" for plaintiffs.
Huber shows
how astronomical punitive damages, including damages for psychological
injuries, have driven insurers out of the U.S. market; London
insurers, for example, have declared America "now as unpredictable
from an underwriter's point of view as a banana republic."
Mr. Huber
cites the lack of insurance and the fear of crushing liability
as a major obstacle to experimentation, sapping our economy of
creative enterprise. He also introduces us to another consequence
of the trends in tort liability, "cookie cutter consumers;" persons
with uniform needs, preferences and sensitivities with no stomach
for risk, who are totally incapable of judging their own self-interest.
PREVIEW
Among the
features in our next newsletter will be articles on the Soviet
Constitution and the Critical Legal Studies movement, and updates
on the TAFOL projects and activities described herein.
Justice Scalia,
who wrote a separate opinion, got a bit further; he strongly
opposes any racial preferences for remedial purposes, except
where absolutely necessary to dismantle a discriminatory system
(e.g., raising the pay scale of blacks currently being paid less
than whites) or to remedy discrimination against an identified
victim (e.g., firing a white man to give the job to a black man
wrongly denied the job because of race). Of course, neither of
these
examples reflects a racial preference or discrimination, but merely an
elimination of a racial preference. Indeed, with respect to discrimination
in general, whether remedial or not, Justice Scalia believes there should
be no governmental classifications unless justified by some "imminent
danger to life and limb," such as a race riot in a prison requiring
temporary segregation of inmates. However, Justice Scalia's opinion rests
upon and expressly sanctions "strict scrutiny" analysis. Remedial
discrimination is, in Justice Scalia's view, constitutionally offensive
because it cannot pass strict scrutiny; temporary segregation in a prison
riot can.
The Richmond case
is not a step backward. In practical terms, it may result in
the elimination of some remedial discrimination plans. (The application
of strict scrutiny, historically, has generally resulted in disapproval
of the state action under consideration.) It does not signal
a significant change in philosophical approach. In fact, that
is the significance of the Richmond case. Contrary to
all reports, there has been no fundamental change as a result
of the new conservative majority on the Supreme Court and there
will not be, until basic philosophical premises are questioned.
#1 Spring 1989 page 5
STATUS
OF PRO BONO PROJECT
"If a
proposal by the New York City Bar Association is adopted, lawyers
will no longer be permitted to practice law without performing
part-time charity work." Thus began the article "Lawyers
as public servants" in the November 15, 1979 issue of The
Intellectual Activist. The article went on to point out
that, since the proposal was based on the principle that there
are no rights, it would result in the complete enslavement of
lawyers and, eventually, all practitioners of licensed professions.
The movement
to declare lawyers serfs continues in New York and is spreading.
In the federal forum, the Supreme Court is being asked to interpret
28 U.S.C. Section 1915(d), which allows a judge to request that
an attorney handle a case for an indigent as requiring the
attorney to accept the appointment. Gerald A. Norlander, a member
of the New York Chief Judge's Committee to Increase the Availability
of Legal Services, supports this interpretation: "An overly
literal reading of Section 1915(d) apparently led the [objecting]
lawyer to believe that a federal judge's 'request' could be declined." Mr.
Norlander, of course, supports mandatory pro bono. He regards
any due process, involuntary servitude, or equal protection claim
on the part of a lawyer as a "constitutional canard."
Similar efforts
are underway in Florida, Louisiana and Oregon. ("Judging
from their lifestyles, doctors and lawyers alike would survive
well if they were in a sort of Oregon Peace Corps for doctors
and lawyers for a year or so after they have paid off their college
loans. (Quoted from the ABA Journal.) Tulane University Law School
requires that each student work at least 20 hours for indigents
before graduation. The Chief Justice of the Arizona Supreme Court "would
prefer to see a voluntary effort" but is considering proposing
the mandatory alternative. The official policy of the American
Bar Association is that every lawyer should devote at least 50
hours to public service activities (although this has been given
a broad interpretation).
There has
been some principled opposition. (See the report of Mr. Bowden's
activities in the October 26, 1988 issue of this newsletter.)
TAFOL intends to be active in its opposition to mandatory pro
bono. Our first step will be the preparation of a position paper.
A number of members have responded to our previous request for
assistance, but we will be happy to have more volunteers. Please
keep us advised of any activity in your jurisdictions.
MEMBERSHIP
PROFILE
TAFOL now
has 54 members: 30 lawyers, 12 students and 12 supporting members.
The lawyers reside in fifteen states and are admitted to practice
in twenty-three states and countries: Arizona, California, the
District of Columbia, Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, Indiana,
Louisiana, Maine, Maryland, Massachusetts, Michigan, Missouri,
New Jersey, New York, Ohio, Texas, Virginia, Washington and Belgium,
Canada and Israel. TAFOL lawyers practice before eighteen federal
district courts, as well as the Tax Court, The Court of Claims
and the federal Boards of Contract Appeals. Seven members are
admitted to practice before the United States Supreme Court.
Fourteen TAFOL
members belong to the American Bar Association. We are also represented
in the bar associations of eighteen states and two cities. Our
expertise encompasses: administrative litigation, antitrust,
appellate practice, business law, civil litigation (with various
specialties), computer law, constitutional law, corporations,
criminal law, defense contracting, employee benefit plans, family
law, health law, immigration, intellectual property, international
exporting, municipal law, personal injury, real estate, securities,
taxation (federal and state), torts, and trade regulation.
Student members
of TAFOL attend Boston University, Hastings College of Law, Indiana
School of Law, Louisiana State University, New York Law School,
Southern Methodist University, UCLA Law School, University of
Michigan, University
of Wisconsin, and Ventura College of Law.
A number of
TAFOL's members are not in the legal profession but wish to cooperate
with our efforts to apply Objectivism to the law. They have various
occupations: president of a money management firm, product engineer,
account manager in sales, senior research specialist with an
oil company, and vice president of marketing.
#1 Spring 1989 page6
NEWS
IN BRIEF
Anti-abortion
groups demonstrated at the Paris headquarters of Groupe Roussel
Uclaf., a pharmaceutical company that manufactures RU 486 - a
drug that may, in some circumstances, induce abortions. Yielding
to pressure, Roussel executives announced that the company would
cease distributing RU 486. Within 48 hours, the French Government
stepped in and told Roussel to continue producing the drug. Abortion
is legal in France and RU 486 may offer a safer and more humane
alternative to surgical intervention. While the French Government's
use of force is not to be condoned, our government, under the
Reagan Administration, erred in the opposite direction by withdrawing
funds for clinics that support abortion and giving funds to church-sponsored "chastity" programs,
and by recommending that abortion clinics be taxed. It is interesting
to note that Right-to-Lifers have blocked the release of an anti-ulcer
medication in this country because there is a possibility of
induced abortion in some pregnant women, despite the fact that
the drug could save thousands of lives and there is a label warning
of the potential for induced abortion.
* * *
In Great Britain in the last decade, occupations ranging from
steelworker to stockbroker have been transformed by the
relentless application of
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's free-market principles. Overhaul
of the legal system is part of an assault on restrictive
practices in the
professions and a broader campaign to make Britain a freer society.
The many proposals, if enacted, would transform virtually
every facet of
the legal profession, including training, certification, regulation
and competition. Under the new plan, the "right of audience" in
court would be open to solicitors for the first time, but would still
be subject to licensing by the government which would grant licenses
based on merit and experience. Some barristers have argued that granting
the government the power to license those who can appear in court could
enable it to exclude lawyers who champion unpopular causes. The plan
would effectively abolish the distinction between solicitors and barristers
and would allow contingency fee arrangements. Barristers have been strictly "trial
lawyers" with solicitors being the only lawyers allowed to deal
directly with the public.
* * *
The Federal
Trade Commission ordered Detroit-area auto dealers to be open
for business 64 hours a week. Dealers are currently
open
50 hours
per week. It is the first time ever that the Agency has mandated
minimum operating hours for businesses. The ruling, announced
March 2, overturns
a decision by an administrative law judge dismissing antitrust
charges that had been pending against the dealers since
1984. The Commission
had accused dealers of conspiring to limit their hours of operation
since the 1960's. The dealers have argued that restricted hours,
compared to
operating hours in other major cities, allow them to keep costs
down and offer the most competitive prices in the country.
The dealers
are outraged and plan to appeal.
* * *
Pennwalt
Corporation and one of its plant managers were recently indicted
on felony charges of negligence for an accident which
occurred over
three years ago: a storage tank containing sodium chlorate
had collapsed, discharging
allegedly hazardous chemicals into the nearby waterway. The
defendants are among a growing number of corporations
- and their managers
- that have felt the sting of the federal government's stepped-up
criminal
environmental enforcement efforts. Their lawyers say the
government is using the criminal
provisions of the federal environmental laws unfairly and
that criminal charges should be filed only in instances of deliberate
misconduct,
but apparently none oppose environmental laws on principle.
Corporations have had to comply with civil environmental
laws for years, but
criminal cases were rare until the Justice Department established
a special
environmental
crimes section in 1982. While only 25 cases were prosecuted
by the federal government during the 1970's, there have
been 468
indictments since 1982.
Among the companies that have been indicted on environmental
charges: Texaco Inc., which pleaded guilty to charges of
failing
to conduct
off-shore safety tests and was fined $750,000, and Orkin
Exterminating Co., which
was found guilty of improper use of a pesticide in a home
fumigation and was fined $500,000. Over $13 million in fines
have been
assessed against individuals and jail terms totaling
200 years have been
imposed.
One defense attorney said, "We're talking about responsible corporate
officials with spotless records being branded as criminals." The
head of the environmental crimes section from its beginning until last
fall, said, "The level of apprehension is not yet at a healthy level."
#1 Spring 1989 page 7
U.S.
SUPREME COURT ASKED TO OVERRULE
ROE v. WADE
On January
9, 1989 the United States Supreme Court noted probable jurisdiction
in the case of Webster v. Reproductive Health Services in
response to an appeal of an Eighth Circuit decision that declared
several anti-abortion provisions of a Missouri statute unconstitutional.
In its appeal, the State of Missouri requested that the Supreme
Court reconsider Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), the
Supreme Court decision that declared that women have a constitutionally
protected right to obtain an abortion. On November 10, 1988,
two days after the Presidential election, the Reagan administration
filed an amicus brief in support of Missouri's request that Roe
v. Wade be reconsidered and recommended overruling that
decision. Approximately thirty substantive briefs have since
been filed with the Supreme Court by the appellant and amici.
Several, including that of the Solicitor General of the United
States, urged that Roe v. Wade be overruled.
Webster
v. Reproductive Health Services addresses the issue of
whether a state government has the right to prohibit taxpayer
dollars from being used in conjunction with abortions which
are not necessary to save the life of the mother. Missouri's
statute outlaws, inter alia, the expenditure of "public
funds" for the purpose of encouraging or counseling a
woman to have an abortion, prohibits any "public employee" from
performing or assisting an abortion within the scope of his
employment, and proscribes the use of any "public facility" for
the purpose of performing or assisting an abortion.
An additional
provision of the Missouri statute requires a physician to make
a determination of fetal viability when he has reason to believe
a fetus is of twenty or more weeks gestation, and to perform
such tests as are necessary to make that determination. Finally,
Missouri's abortion statute contains a preamble, supposedly without
substantive effect, which states that life begins at conception.
The Eighth
Circuit found each of these provisions of the statute, including
the preamble, to be unconstitutional. Reproductive Health
Services v. Webster, 851 F.2d 1071 (8th Cir. 1988). The
State of Missouri appealed.
Board members
are developing an op-ed article, in conjunction with the Ayn
Rand Institute, opposing any effort to deny a woman the right
to an abortion.
Two recent
rulings of the California Supreme Court confirm the principle
that torts committed in the service of a religious belief can
result in liability despite the free-exercise-of-religion clauses
of the state and federal constitutions. One case involved the
liability of a parent for not obtaining medical help for her
child, who eventually died. The other case involved allegations
of willful misrepresentation by members of the Unification Church
of Reverend Moon in their recruiting practices, which resulted
in emotional and financial damages. The trial court granted summary
judgment to the Church on the ground that the Church's activity
was protected by the free-exercise clauses. The intermediate
appellate court affirmed, but the California Supreme Court reversed,
stating that "while religious belief is absolutely protected,
religiously motivated conduct is not."
* * *
A case in
Texas is testing, apparently for the first time, the federal
government's power to punish doctors for "dumping" their indigent
patients on charity hospitals. A Texas doctor was fined $25,000 for having
a pregnant woman transferred to a charity hospital after having determined
that she was not in active labor. The doctor's refusal to pay the fine
led to a four-day hearing last month. The law under scrutiny permits
a patient transfer if the "benefits"
outweigh the "risks" to the patient and if the patient is "stabilized." Kirk
Johnson, the AMA's general counsel, sees this as a significant case because
the government will go after more "scalps" if it wins.
#1 Spring 1989 page 8
ANNOUNCEMENTS
TAFOL plans
to sponsor several events at The Jefferson School's 1989 summer
conference, which will be held August 6 through 20 in San Diego.
Events will include a party for TAFOL members, a meeting on TAFOL's
plans and objectives, and a presentation or discussion on a substantive
legal issue, open to any TJS attendees. Details will be announced
in the next newsletter.
All four TAFOL
Board members are planning to attend Dr. Leonard Peikoff's Ford
Hall Forum lecture, and the related activities, in Boston on
April 23. If any TAFOL members, or any other persons interested
in TAFOL, are planning to attend and would like to meet with
us, please let Sandy Franklin know at [omitted]. Sandy is also
acting as Editor of this newsletter and will be pleased to accept
articles from TAFOL members, which will be considered for future
newsletters. TAFOL is planning to continue the more substantive
form of this newsletter in future newsletters on a quarterly
basis. There will also be occasional Announcement Bulletins sent
to members.
Steve Plafker
is now the pro bono committee chairman. He has a large library
of pro bono materials, including materials from the ABA, which
members may request for a copying fee. Steve's address is [omitted].
Dee Tagliavia is chairing TAFOL's efforts to direct letters or
position statements to the media, and will be looking for assistance
from TAFOL members. Dee's address is [omitted].
TAFOL would
like to acknowledge Joseph Remillard's donation to TAFOL of the
copyrighted design which appears on the front of this newsletter
and which has been adopted as TAFOL's logo. We are very grateful
to Mr. Remillard for donating his design and we hope it will
serve as a symbol of objective law to our readers.
___________________________________
Copyright
1989. The Association for Objective Law. All rights reserved.
Reproduction in any form without permission prohibited.
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